Category: WTO

Digital Rules of Origin – A New Frontier in Digital Trade

By Prof David Collins

Rules of Origin (ROO) are among the most controversial and complicated aspects of international trade law. This is especially so in a world in which multilateralism is in decline, paving the way for trade based on the rules found in preferential bilateral or regional free trade agreements (FTAs). The intricate nature of ROO is further exacerbated by intangible nature of the digital economy, where a significant portion of global GDP and world trade is now generated (roughly 15 per cent and 25 per cent respectively).

Preferential FTAs are the key exception to the World Trade Organization (WTO) principle of Most Favoured Nation (MFN), itself found in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and Article II of the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services). Preferentialism allows for better treatment to goods and services originating from FTA party countries, typically in the form of lower tariffs, than is accorded to the rest of the WTO community. In the case of goods, this treatment is contingent on the relevant good actually originating from the partner country. The good is not legally entitled to the lower tariff if it is not “from” the partner country, but is instead merely shipped through it.

The WTO Agreement on Rules of Origin usefully sets out standardized procedures for how origin of goods is calculated, requiring that all WTO members apply their ROO impartially, transparently, and consistently, aiming to ensure that ROO do not restrict, distort, or disrupt international trade. More importantly, each FTA specifies what specific percentage of a given product is required to be “from” the partner country, or regional grouping, for the purposes of satisfying the conditions for preferential treatment. These levels are a vital element of trade negotiations, currently featuring prominently in the CPTPP review and USMCA renegotiations for example. ROO can be complicated for composite goods like automobiles, which are manufactured and assembled across of range of jurisdictions in complex value chains. The burden of complying with ROO is thought to be so onerous that some companies choose to forego their preferential entitlement, trading instead on MFN terms.

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The City Law School Hosts Symposium on the WTO’s 30 Year Anniversary

By Cheryl Dine

On Wednesday 29th October 2025, The City Law School hosted a symposium titled ‘Cheers to 30 Years: Entering a New Era of Multilateral Trade Rules’, organised by the Digital Trade Research Group, chaired by Professor David Collins.

This event brought together leading academics, policymakers, diplomats, and international civil servants to explore the ever evolving role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the global digital economy.

The Opening Remarks were delivered by Professor David Townend, Associate Dean for Research and Enterprises, on behalf of Professor Richard Aschcroft, the Dean of The City Law School. Professor Townend remarked on the importance of the WTO in the creation and delivery of some of the Law School’s modules.

“As we mark this important milestone, we also hope that today’s symposium serves as the beginning of a lasting and meaningful partnership between City St Georges, University of London and the WTO. In a time of profound global change, collaboration between academic institutions and international organisations is more important than ever. Together, we have the potential to drive impactful, evidence-based change in international economic law, and to support the development of a more responsive, inclusive, and resilient multilateral trading system.” – Professor David Townend.

The City Law School was honoured to welcome senior representatives from the WTO in Geneva, to City, University of London. Mr Samer Seif El Yazal, Chief of Section in the WTO’s  Institute for Training and Technical Cooperation (ITTC), delivered a lecture on the historical significance of the WTO and its continuing role in supporting global trade cooperation. His lecture was followed by another lecture by Ms Tanuja Garde, Director of the WTO Intellectual Property Division, where Ms Garde highlighted the contribution of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) to innovation and development within the multilateral trading system.

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UK-EU Reset May Break International Law

By Prof. David Collins

For a government that has continually emphasized the importance of upholding international law, even when it is evidently against the national interest (for example the relinquishing of the Chagos Islands), the UK’s EU ‘reset’ agreement is a baffling development. The UK has evidently succumbed to all of the EU’s demands, gaining little more than vague statements in relation to defence procurement and e-gates in airports, while giving away fishing rights for an astonishing twelve years, free movement of young adults as well as budgetary contributions. Each of these is arguably a rejection of UK voters’ wishes to leave the EU but do not in themselves put the UK in breach of the country’s international legal obligations. The new agreement’s dynamic alignment with the EU’s sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) regulations on the other hand could well do this, potentially leading to claims from other treaty partners via international arbitration tribunals.

The new UK-EU reset agreement effectively creates a single market for agri-foods in which the UK agrees to follow EU regulations, the ultimate conformity to which lies at the discretion of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). This feature of the new arrangement was important for the EU because it ensures that the UK remains a captured market for its agricultural produce, preventing the UK from importing cheaper, better foods from other countries, ostensibly for the purpose of safeguarding public health.

It is bad enough that this worsens the choice available to British consumers from markets around the world. It is even more problematic, though, if, like Prime Minister Keir Starmer, one claims to be a supporter of and adherent to international law. This is because alignment with the EU’s regulations in this area may violate the terms of some of the UK’s recent Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). This includes the mega-regional Comprehensive Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) which the UK joined after lengthy negotiations at the end of last year. The 12-nation CPTPP comprises 15 per cent of global GDP and some of the world’s fastest growing economies in the Asia-Pacific.

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US Tariffs Threaten International Law but Could Save Free Trade

By Prof. David Collins

President Trump’s ‘Liberation Day’ tariff onslaught could inflict the most significant shock to international trade of all time. Markets have already collapsed and recessions around the world, including in the US, are feared. Economists are in near-unanimous agreement that the sudden 20% (on average) charge on trade with the world’s largest economy, plus 25% on automobiles, are a strategic error on the part of the White House. President Trump’s own economic advisors struggle to justify them. Some in the Republic party are even breaking ranks, pleading with the president that American consumers will be worse off by thousands of dollars a year, languishing under inflation and a drop in GDP by up to 3%. While it has attracted limited attention from the media, the tariffs are almost certainly illegal, breaching the US’s commitments under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and various bilateral trade agreements, including the United States Mexico Canada Agreement (USMCA) although Mexico and Canada were omitted from Liberation Day measures.

As harmful as the US’s sweeping tariffs are on their own, worse damage could be inflicted via retaliation, even if Trump were not to escalate with further counter-tariffs, which is unlikely. The EU, China and others are already planning a suite of measures. But a tariff is a tariff, whether or not it is morally justified. It will only raise costs of US imports more, forcing consumers to switch to alternatives which will in turn become dearer in their scarcity. Countries with large trade surpluses with the US (like the EU and China) will find retaliation unhelpful as a weapon of persuasion – we are not in the 1930s. Another danger is the looming spectre of dumping. A glut of goods that would have been shipped to the US, especially from mega-manufacturer China will now end up elsewhere. Anti-dumping duties, yet again tariffs, may end up being levied to head-off this surge.

The UK, seemingly wisely, is holding off on tariff retaliation against the US. Having been hit with ‘only’ a 10% tariff by the Americans (notwithstanding the car, steel and aluminium tariffs at 25%), the UK has fared better than the EU, which faces a 20% Trump tariff. Many have been quick to present this as a ‘Brexit dividend’ – but while a lower tariff is always better than a higher one, it is unlikely that the cross-Channel differential will spur a manufacturing boom in the UK as European firms rush to locate production here as a way of lowering the costs of entry to the US. Supply chains do not re-orient overnight and White House policy can turn on a dime – the UK could just as easily get thumped in the next round.

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The WTO dispute between China and EU over Chinese SEPs global rate-setting

By Enrico Bonadio and Federico Manstretta at Parma University, IP Law Galli

Back in January 2025, the EU initiated consultations at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to challenge the practice of Chinese courts to unilaterally set binding global royalty rates for non-Chinese standard essential patents (SEPs) without the consent of the parties to the litigation. According to the EU Commission press release, this unfairly pressures European high-tech companies to lower their royalty rates worldwide, granting Chinese manufacturers cheaper access to European technologies. Additionally, the EU claims this approach interferes with the jurisdiction of EU courts over patent matters and violates WTO rules, including transparency obligations under the TRIPS Agreement.

The initial 60 days term given to the parties to find a satisfactory solution in the WTO consultations stage has expired, and the EU could then request a panel to be appointed to hear the case.

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North American Tariff War has Dark Implications for International Trade Law

By Prof. David Collins

The recent announcement of sweeping tariffs by US President Donald Trump on imports from Canada, Mexico, and China has ignited a global trade conflict with far-reaching implications. President Trump’s decision to impose a 25% tariff on most Canadian and Mexican goods, with a 10% tariff on Canadian energy resources, and an additional 10% on Chinese imports, marks a significant departure from the longstanding free trade relationship between the two nations. In response to the US tariff threat, Canada announced retaliatory measures, planning to impose 25% targeted tariffs on $155 billion worth of US imports.

While a temporary reprieve has been granted for both Canada and Mexico, it is not clear that the tariffs will not eventually be imposed, as they have been on China, potentially violating the US’s commitments under international treaties. All four countries, as WTO members, are bound not to raise tariffs beyond their committed levels under Article II of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Article I of GATT further requires countries not to treat imports from different WTO members differently with respect to tariffs. Article 2.4 of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), which replaced the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) prevents those three parties from increasing tariffs.

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Will the UK’s proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism violate WTO law?

Professor David Collins, City Law School

Last week Jeremy Hunt, the UK Chancellor, announced that the UK would pursue implementation of its own Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The EU adopted its own CBAM which is due to go into effect gradually over the next few years – it is currently in an information-gathering stage.

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Modest Gains at the WTO Ministerial Conference

David Collins

The 12th World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference took place in Geneva last week with representatives of all 164 member countries in attendance – collectively comprising the WTO’s highest decision-making body. The stakes were high – there have been no major multilateral trade initiatives in decades, leaving the 27-year-old organization struggling to justify its existence in a world increasingly dominated by bilateralism or worse, economic isolationism. In the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic and the ongoing war in Ukraine, both of which have dealt significant blows to standards of living worldwide, the WTO was under much pressure to deliver tangible progress in trade liberalization. In the minds of many, failure was simply not an option.

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The WTO’s Essential Security Exception and Revocation of Russia’s Most Favoured Nation Status following the Invasion of Ukraine

David Collins

Shortly after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, several nations, led by Canada and Ukraine, suspended the application of the World Trade Organization’s Most Favoured Nation (MFN) treatment to Russian goods. MFN is a foundational principle of WTO law, contained in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It promises that all WTO members will receive the same treatment as each other – the lowest tariffs on all goods offered by each WTO member will be made available to all. The effect of this trade sanction against Russia will not be lost on its president – Vladimir Putin’s masters’ thesis was allegedly on the importance of the MFN principle to international trade. The actual impact of the revocation of MFN on Russia may be less significant and the legal issues behind it are complex and troubling.

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