In June 2023 City University of London awarded two prizes for the Rosemary Hollis Essay Competition, an annual award made in the name of our inspiring late colleague Prof.Hollis, who was an expert of Middle East policy and intercultural relations across the Euromed region. Learn more about her through these interviews.
Below we are proud to publish the essay by UG student Sami Al Sayyad, who is completing a BA in History and International Politics in City’s Department of International Politics and was awarded the UG category of the Prize.
We hope it will be an inspiration for the next round of the Rosemary Hollis Essay Prize call.
(photos of Rosemary Hollis, left, and Sami Al Sayyad, right)
Saudi Arabia’s Captagon Problem: The Economic and Cultural Challenge Fuelling Bashar Al-Assad’s Narco-State.
by Sami Al Sayyad
In the Middle East, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has emerged as the foremost consumer of illicit drugs, most notably the psychostimulant captagon. (1) (2). Although it may initially appear to be a benign party or study drug with relatively low overdose rates, it has served as a catalyst for violent conflict in Syria. By producing and trading approximately 80% of the world’s captagon, the Assad regime has managed to maintain its stranglehold on power, despite Western powers’ attempts to impose sanctions on the regime (3). Although the Saudi government has made laudable strides in cracking down on the drug trade, with record-breaking seizures, demand and consumption persist. In this essay, I will argue that it is imperative for the country to enact a preventative style of anti-drug policy, tackling high youth unemployment and cultivating alternative leisure activities for its young and idle population. Through this change in public policy, the Saudi government will be able to curb demand for the substance which continues to bolster the position of one of the most pernicious tyrants of the past decade.
Captagon is a brand name for the drug compound fenethylline hydrochloride. It was first developed in the 1960s by a German pharmaceutical company, and it was marketed as a treatment for narcolepsy and depression (3). However, globally, captagon quickly gained a reputation as a harmful recreational drug, and it was banned in most countries in the 1980s. Conversely, amid Syria’s occupation of Lebanon, Hafez Al-Assad’s regime built sophisticated drug networks between the neighbouring nations, utilising allied proxies of the militant Hezbollah and Palestinian Liberation Organisation, laying the foundation for the start of the mass production of captagon in the mid-2000s (4)Since the Civil War, Syria has come to produce around 80% of all Captagon globally. Although popular in Syria, the largest consumer base lies in the Gulf region with Saudi Arabia as the most lucrative client (1).
In the last decade, the Assad regime has been responsible for over half a million casualties, including over 150,000 civilian deaths, which is owed to the dictator’s refusal to cede power after a popular uprising which called for his resignation in 2011 (5). Saudi Arabia, the first Arab nation to condemn Assad at the start of the Civil War, now seeks to “restore ties” with the economically crippled country, however, they must first address its own population’s captagon addiction which has been fuelling the very violence, twelve years ago, King Abdullah had denounced (6).
In recent years, the Saudi Arabian government has garnered attention for its efforts to crack down on amphetamine and captagon trafficking. However, despite the ostentatious endeavours of the General Director of Narcotics Control, Major Mohammad Al-Nujaidi, the prevalence of captagon abuse within the kingdom persists (7). This is because the crux of the issue lies in the high demand for the drug. In August 2022, Saudi authorities seized a staggering 46 million captagon pills, yet it is disconcerting to note that 40% of drug addicts in the country still use captagon (7). This correlation draws parallels to the United States and its ill-fated “war on drugs,”, particularly in the 1980s and 1990s. For instance, despite infamous seizures such as the Medellin Cartel Bust in 1984, where over 15 tons of cocaine were seized with an estimated worth of over $1 billion dollars, there was no long-term reduction in cocaine usage in the US (8). In fact, cocaine use spiked during the early 1990s and mid-2000s. It is crucial to note that the greatest correlation to a decline in drug overdoses in the US was during the late 1990s and early 2000s when youth unemployment rates were at their lowest (8). Therefore, I contend that youth unemployment and idleness have a direct correlation to the demand for drugs, particularly “upper” drugs that offer an escape from those without careers and direction. This is especially true in Saudi Arabia, where conservative laws limit opportunities for appealing social recreation, based on the foundations of Wahhabi Islam (9).
The restrictive measures enforced by the theocratic regime have contributed significantly to the demand for captagon, which is perceived by Saudi youth as a discreet and cost-effective antidote to boredom. In-depth interviews carried out in Saudi Arabia reveal the social determinants of drug use, including the popularity of captagon (10). One participant, a 22-year-old undergraduate from a working-class background, explained that “drug-taking is our outlet for relieving pressure and depression. If alternative activities were available (such as singing, dancing, or drinking), we might not resort to smoking hashish.” (10) Similarly, a 23-year-old graduate from a middle-class family noted that the increased social options under Mohammed bin Salman’s reign have had a positive impact, stating that “it’s somewhat better now because the government is less strict. There are cinemas now, and we can do something enjoyable on weekends. A few years ago, there was nothing interesting for young people apart from hanging out at coffee shops.” (10)
In conclusion, while I acknowledge the Saudi government’s stance on the destructive impact of captagon in the country, I firmly believe that for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to make headway diplomatically, restore ties with Syria, and for them to address the issue of drug dependence within its borders, a radical policy shift that prioritizes reducing demand and dependency is paramount. Drawing from the lessons of the United States’ “War on Drugs,” it is evident that relying solely on policing and military seizures is insufficient to reduce drug use significantly. As demonstrated in this essay, it is the issue of youth unemployment that has been the most significant driver of captagon consumption in Saudi Arabia, with social restrictions acting as a magnifier of this issue. Nevertheless, captagon demand has also been subject to Syrian fighters on both sides using it frequently as a performance-enhancing drug. However, removing a major stream of income from the Syrian regime is vital in curtailing Assad’s proliferation of violence.
Copyright by Sami Al Sayyad © 2023.